Took place from to 28 March to 7 April 1995 with a much younger Angela Merkel in the chair. By then the scientists were clear that ‘returning to 1990 emissions levels by 2000’, the goal that had made it into the UNFCCC text [the EU had wanted targets and timetables for actual reductions – the US said nope] would not be enough to avoid dangerous climate change (article 2).
For ‘what is coming’ – see
Milburn, C. 1995. Where There’s Smoke, There’s Strife. The Age, 18 February, p19.
BERLIN is not going to be a happy destination for Australian officials visiting next month to discuss climate change. The city will host the world’s most important conference on the subject since the 1992 UN Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, and Australia will have to explain why it cannot meet international targets to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by the end of the decade.
During the heady days of the Rio summit, the UN’s member nations acknowledged the need for concerted action to reduce the damage to the global environment. The Australian Government duly promised to stabilise Australia’s emission levels to 1990 levels by 2000.
But it now admits that it will miss its promised target set in the UN’s Framework Convention on Climate Change, by pumping 654 million tonnes of gases into the air an increase of 7 per cent on 1990 levels….
Australia’s official position continues to support the 1990 emission freeze but its resolve appears to be wavering. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has asked a research arm of Government to prepare Cabinet proposals that could water down the international targets and prevent tougher measures being imposed at Berlin.
Mr Bill Hare, the climate policy director for Greenpeace International, is observing the New York negotiations. He says members of the Australian delegation in New York are already arguing behind the scenes that Australia has a special case for more lenient targets because its economy is heavily reliant on fossil fuels.
The ENB summary:
Australia’s position, action:
The US and especially Australia were very opposed to targets and timetables, but grudgingly went along. There was an agreement (“The Berlin Mandate”) that a deal that involved rich countries only making cuts would be negotiated, and then agreed at the third COP, in 1997.
I have a bunch of documents about the Berlin Mandate – the post-Berlin discussions and workshops in Canberra, the AGBM meetings etc…
See also Jeremy Leggett’s The Carbon War – he managed to get insurance companies to send lobbyists, but they were only there for a day, whereas there were heaps of Global Climate Coalition lobbyists there for the entire period.
Macdonald, Matt. 2005a. Fair Weather Friend? Ethics and Australia’s Approach to Climate
Change. Australian Journal of Politics and History 51 (2): 216–234.
Following the UNFCCC’s adoption in 1992, developing countries, supported by the European Union (EU), had begun pushing for the international community to establish a stronger international agreement – this time including binding targets for developed countries.52 In March–April 1995, Parties to the UNFCCC held their first Conference of the Parties (COP 1). The Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) urged Parties to adopt a protocol including a commitment by developed countries to reduce their CO2 emissions by 20 per cent below 1990 levels by 2005 (the same target once endorsed by the Hawke government). Australia refused, however, to support the AOSIS proposal, in part because of this target. While the Keating government agreed that the UNFCCC was too weak and needed strengthening, it argued against the inclusion of the word ‘reductions’ in conference deliberations, a position eventually relaxed in response to widespread criticism. Ultimately, the Keating government refused to support any future agreement setting targets and timetables to reduce GHG emissions
At COP 1, the Keating government also argued that while developed countries ought to shoulder the primary burden for emission reductions, developing countries also needed to play a greater role.57 In coalition with its JUSCANZ partners (Japan, US, Canada and New Zealand) Australia pushed for the major developing countries – Brazil, Korea, Malaysia and China – to also adopt mitigation commitments.58 Australia’s position was ultimately rejected by the COP at Berlin with the ‘Berlin Mandate’ (launching negotiations for the Kyoto Protocol) deciding that only developed countries would be required to strengthen their mitigation targets.
Cordes Holland PhD thesis, p.66.